Tugov 1967: 226; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 52; Genko 1955: 112. Compound form, literally 'one way' (zǝ 'one' q.v. + mʕʷa 'way, road' q.v.). Other equivalents listed in [Zhirov & Ekba 1965] correspond to 'all' as 'whole, complete' rather than the required 'each one' (in a number of objects).
Tugov 1967: 403; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 159. Meaning is glossed as Russian зола '(hot) ashes (in the stove), lye' rather than пепел, for which a different equivalent is found: satħʷa [Tugov 1967: 333], but qʷa seems to be the more "basic" term in the language (morphologically more simple, found in multiple compound formations, etc.).
Bgazhba 1964: 292; Genko 1998: 303; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 427. Same word as 'skin' q.v.; for additional semantic precision, the complex form a=cʼla a=ɕʷa (literally 'tree-skin') may be used.
Bgazhba 2006: 309 (erroneously rendered orthographically as a=psˈaː-tʼʷ {аҧсаатǝ}, although most sources indicate palatal articulation of the fricative); Genko 1998: 197. The simple variant a=pʆˈaː is also attested.
Tugov 1967: 244; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 558. A compound form, not segmentable on the synchronic Abaza level, but clearly segmentable into distinct morphemes based on external comparison.
Bgazhba 2006: 138; Genko 1998: 50. The first variant is from [Bgazhba 2006]; the second is from Genko's dictionary. Both seem to represent subdialectal varieties.
Bgazhba 1964: 161 (rendered orthographically as {агушҧы}); Genko 1998: 75; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 318. The first component of this compound, when used individually, means either 'heart' q.v. or 'breast' in an abstract sense ('hold close to the breast / heart', etc.). The second component, a=špˈǝ, when used individually, may mean 'breast / thorax' all by itself ([Genko 1998: 350]; [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 613]); this looks like innovative semantic usage (see the meaning 'side' for this word in the closely related Abaza), but, since the original compound has not yet been replaced completely by the innovation, it makes sense to regard the morpheme =gʷǝ- as still the main carrier of the meaning 'breast' in Abkhaz. Cf. also a=gʷǝ-pħʷˈǝ {агǝыҧҳǝы} ~ a=gʷǝ-ħʷpˈǝ {агǝыҳǝҧы} 'female breast' [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 312], where the second component is the same as in a=pħʷˈǝ-s 'woman' q.v.
Bgazhba 1964: 199; Genko 1998: 55; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 255. Genko's dictionary also records such variants as ˈa=bǝl-ra (accent on the 1st syllable) and ˈa=blǝ-ra (with metrathesis); cf. a=blˈǝ-ra 'conflagration, place burnt out by the fire' in [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 249]. Distinct from a=cracʼa-ra 'to set fire (to smth.)' [Kaslandzia 2005: II, 414].
Bgazhba 2006: 46; Genko 1998: 84. Quoted as a=nap=xǝʆ {анаҧхыс ̀} in [Bgazhba 2006], which could be an orthographic error (Genko's dictionary, as well as external parallels, all confirm that the labial is glottalized). See notes on Abkhaz proper for the internal structure.
Tugov 1967: 288. The word is historically a compound, the first part of which is still identifiable as Abaza napʼǝ 'hand' q.v. The second part, =xǝ, goes back to the old root for 'nail' and is also seen in Abaza šʸapʼ=xǝ ~ šʸam=xǝ {щапIхы ~ щамхы} 'toenail / claw' [Tugov 1967: 451], where the first part = šʸapʼǝ 'foot' q.v. In [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 267], the equivalent for 'nail' is given as napʼxǝ-šʸapʼxǝ {напIхы-щапIхы}, i.e. 'fingernail and toenail'.
Bgazhba 1964: 367; Genko 1998: 198, 200; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 69, 74. The two variants seem to be freely interchangeable; ˈa=pta is occasionally regarded as a simplified variant of the more archaic ˈa=pstħʷa.
Bgazhba 1964: 609; Genko 1998: 279; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 357. Cf. the first morpheme of this compound separately in ˈa=χʸ-ta 'cold (n.)' [Genko 1998: 278]. The second morpheme remains unclear.
Tugov 1967: 407; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 549. Polysemy: 'cold / cool'. Phonetic structure of the stem (as well as external comparison) indicates a compound origin, but the etymology of the second part of the compound (-šʷašʷa) remains unclear.
Bgazhba 1964: 458; Genko 1998: 14, 181. The root morpheme is =y-, combined with different preverbs (=ne=y- 'to come thither', =a=y- 'to come hither'). Cf. also a different root in a=a-rˈa 'to come, arrive' ([Genko 1998: 16]; [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 28]), frequently used in abstract meanings ('to grow up', 'to come, arrive (of a time or season)', etc.).
Bgazhba 1964: 563 (quoted in the morphological variant i=b-ow {ибоу}); Kaslandzia 2005: I, 213. The word is absent in both [Genko 1998] and [Shakryl 1986]. However, it is still eligible over a=ʕʷˈa [Genko 1998: 366], glossed as 'dry, dessicated' (i. e. 'deprived of necessary moisture' instead of 'deprived of excessive moisture').
Bzyb:
Not attested in [Bgazhba 2006].
Abaza:ba-x {бах}1
Tugov 1967: 114; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 492. The latter source quotes two secondary synonyms: (a) yǝ=r=ʕʷu {йыргIву}, derived from the verbal stem ʕʷa- 'to (become) dry' [Tugov 1967: 196]; (b) waʕʷ {уагIв}, actually 'dry (of weather)', 'drought' [Tugov 1967: 373]. The majority of textual examples in both sources confirms that bax is the most convenient and frequently used equivalent for the required Swadesh meaning (cf.: kʼasǝžʷ bax 'dry cloth', etc.); ʕʷa- is generally used in the meaning 'deprived of necessary moisture' (i. e. 'stale', 'withered', etc.) than in the meaning 'deprived of excessive moisture'. The stem is a composite verbal one (cf. ba-x-ra 'to (become) dry'), with the productive auxiliary stem -x- joined to the original root.
Bgazhba 1964: 235; Genko 1998: 83; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 338. Polysemy: 'earth (planet) / earth (land) / earth (soil)'. Borrowed from Georgian adgili 'place, location' (initially in the meaning 'ground' /surface/, but currently serving in the meaning 'soil' as well).
Bzyb:ˈa=dgʸǝl {адгьыл}-1
Bgazhba 2006: 155; Genko 1998: 83. Borrowed from Georgian adgili 'place, location' (see notes on Abkhaz proper).
Abaza:adgʸǝl {адгьыл}-1
Tugov 1967: 35; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 157. Borrowed from Georgian adgili 'place, location' (initially, most likely, in the meaning 'ground' /surface/, but today this is also the main word in the meaning 'soil' as well).
Tugov 1967: 380; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 128. Of the two synonyms for 'to eat' in Abaza, external evidence (Abkhaz) shows fa- to be more archaic than čʸa-. Since no semantic differentiation whatsoever is seen between fa- and čʸa- in either of the two dictionaries, we list them as synonyms, with the implication that čʸa- is a newer word, gradually replacing the older fa-.
Bgazhba 1964: 632 (rendered orthographically as {акутаӷь}); Genko 1998: 125; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 533. A composite form in which the first component = a=kʼʷtʼˈǝ 'hen' [Genko 1998: 125]; however, the word means both 'hen's egg' and 'egg' in general.
Tugov 1967: 246; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 580. A composite form, in which the first component is really kʼʷtʼu {кIвтIу} 'hen' [Tugov 1967: 246] and only the last consonant (=ɣʸ) remains from the original root for 'egg'.
Bgazhba 1964: 150; Genko 1998: 55, 147; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 247, 603. The two variants are interchangeable, but ˈa=bla seems to be the more archaic and less frequently used of the two.
Tugov 1967: 306; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 439. A compound form, as is clearly indicated by both the word's phonetic structure and its external parallels; the latter allow to segment the word as ps-lačʷa, with ps- reflecting the original root for 'fish', but the meaning of *lačʷa is unknown.
Bgazhba 1964: 360; Genko 1998: 354; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 626. Polysemy: 'foot / trunk (of tree)'. Historically, a compound; the second component is also found in the word for 'hand' q.v.
Bgazhba 2006: 154; Genko 1998: 354. The first variant is from [Bgazhba 2006], the second is taken from Genko's dictionary (and might be erroneous). Historically, a compound; the second component is also found in the word for 'hand' q.v.
Tugov 1967: 43; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 350. The latter source gives the adverbial form azna-ta {азната} as the equivalent to the Russian adjective полный, which is not quite correct. The form seems not to be segmentable on the synchronic level; historically it may be analyzed as a=z-na, with a pronominal prefix and an adjectival suffix, based on external comparison.
Tugov 1967: 232; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 157. Secondary synonym: uʒǝšʷa {удзышва} [Tugov 1967: 377]. The difference between the two words is unclear and hard to establish through available sources (cf. ħʷra uʒǝšʷa ~ ħʷra yačʼʷa 'green grass' in [Tugov 1967]), but only yačʼʷa has reliable external parallels.
Bgazhba 1964: 104 (rendered orthographically as {ахаху}); Genko 1998: 286; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 284. A compound form in the meaning 'head hair' (=χa= = 'head' q.v.); 'hair' in general is expressed by the simple form a=χʷǝ.
Bgazhba 2006: 74; Genko 1998: 286. A compound form in the meaning 'head hair' (=χa= = 'head' q.v.); 'hair' in general is expressed by the simple form a=χˤʷǝ.
Tugov 1967: 389. This is the only lexical item in this source that is translated as 'hair (of the head)' (collective term). (Cf. such derivatives as qa=bra-da 'bald', etc.). It is a compound form: qa 'head' q.v. + bra, which, on its own, is translated as 'braid / forelock / mane' [Tugov 1967: 122] and, indeed, as is seen from external evidence, goes back to a general term denoting 'thick, dense hair'. The quasi-synonymous word qʷǝ generally denotes 'body hair' (as well as 'wool', 'down', 'feathers', etc.), although it has a correlated singulative form qʷǝ-c '(a single) hair' [Tugov 1967: 406], which can be applied to hairs on the head as well. In [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 66], the collective 'hair (of the head)' is not given a direct Abaza equivalent, but the NP "curly hair" is translated as yčxːʷǝrwa bra.
Tugov 1967: 288; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 438. Historically, a compound; the second component is also found in the word for 'foot' q.v. Distinct from maqa {махъа} 'arm' [Tugov 1967: 274].
Tugov 1967: 328, 332; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 578. The root morpheme is sa; in fully stressed position, the extended form sa-ra is used more frequently than the short sa.
Tugov 1967: 453; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 515. Polysemy: 'beat / exhaust / kill'. The latter source also gives a secondary synonym: r=ps-ra {рпсра} 'to put to death, kill' (also in [Tugov 1967: 321]), but this seems to be a more highly marked, less basic expression (it is certainly innovative compared to šʸ-).
Bgazhba 2006: 70; Genko 1998: 353. Quoted as a=ʃamχˤʷˈǝ {ашьамх ̀ǝы} in the latter source, probably by mistake. The first component in the compound is =ʃa= 'foot' q.v.
Tugov 1967: 451; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 189. The first stem in this compound is 'foot / leg' q.v.; only the second stem goes back to the original word for 'knee'.
Tugov 1967: 455; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 210. The latter source quotes ala-zla-ra {алазлара} as a secondary synonym, but this verb has a more general semantics of 'to be (located) (in some place)'.
Bgazhba 1964: 307; Genko 1998: 108; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 462. The semantic difference between =ya- and =ʃta- is complicated and not easily elicited from existing dictionaries. In [Bgazhba 1964], both are treated as near-complete synonyms; Genko [1998] glosses =ya- as 'to lie down (dynamic); to lie (static)', and =ʃta- as 'to lie (in bed)'; Kaslandzia [2005] glosses both =ya- and =ʃta- (for which he only adduces the extended suffixal form a=ʃta-la-ra} as 'to lie down (dynamic)'. (It should be noted that =ya- is also frequently used with various preverbs, e. g. a=kʷǝ=ya-ra 'to lie on smth.', a=la=ya-ra 'to lie in smth.' etc.). For the moment, we have to treat this as a case of synonymy.
Bgazhba 1964: 417 (rendered orthographically as {агуаҵǝа}); Genko 1998: 68; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 290. A compound form, in which the main root for 'liver' is =ɕʼʷˈa, preceded by =gʷa= 'heart' q.v.
Tugov 1967: 437. In [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 325], the word 'liver' is translated incorrectly as čʼʸačʼʸa {чIачIа}; the real meaning of this word is 'kidney'.
Bgazhba 1964: 328; Genko 1998: 210; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 104. Although the word is frequently glossed in confusing ways (e. g. as the Russian noun множество 'multitude' in [Genko 1998] and as the Russian adjectives множественный, многочисленный 'multiple, abundant' in [Kaslandzia 2005]), examples confirm that this is one of the most basic terms to express the meaning 'many' in Abkhaz. Other semantically close items include: (a) a=ʓʷˈǝ-r ~ a=ʓʷˈǝ-r-ʕʷǝ 'a certain number, many, plenty of' ([Bgazhba 1964: 328]; [Genko 1998: 105]), derived from ʓʷǝ 'one, some(one)'; (b) a=kʼˈǝr ~ a=kʼˈǝr-kʷa 'a certain number, plenty' ([Bgazhba 1964: 328]; [Genko 1998: 119]). However, they are rarely, if ever, used in the required framework (e. g. 'to have many objects', etc.).
Tugov 1967: 387; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 100. The word xʷa is the only equivalent for the meaning 'mountain' quoted in the latter source. In [Tugov 1967: 456], another synonym, šʸqa {щхъа}, is listed; judging by external evidence, it is more archaic in the meaning 'mountain', but, in modern Abaza, seems to have generally been replaced by xʷa.
Genko 1998: 344; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 600. Polysemy: 'mouth / face'. In [Bgazhba 1964: 312], this word is reserved for the meaning 'face', whereas the meaning 'mouth' is rendered by the compound formation a=ʼǝrqʼʸˈara {аҿырҟьара} [Bgazhba 1964: 503]. This compound is also glossed as 'mouth' in [Genko 1998: 346], but in [Kaslandzia 2005: II, 600] it is translated as 'mouth, jaw (vulgar)'. Regardless of whichever form is currently the default colloquial equivalent for 'mouth', the main root =ʼǝ remains the same in both words, so that the decision has no bearing on lexicostatistical calculations.
Bgazhba 1964: 347; Genko 1998: 161; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 655. General verbal negative morpheme (including prohibitive functions), used as a prefix or suffix depending on the particular form of the paradigm.
Tugov 1967: 376; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 251. This morpheme is usually met in conjunction with the prefixal component =gʸ(ǝ)= (as in sǝ=gʸ=ps-ua-m 'I am not dying'), which is defined as a former emphatic particle, although its presence in negative forms of the indicative mood is now more or less obligatory [Genko 1955: 161]. Nevertheless, the old negative morpheme =m- can still be analyzed as the principal bearer of this function in modern Abaza.
Bgazhba 1964: 379; Genko 1998: 116; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 185. Applied to inanimate objects. The animate equivalent ('one /person/', etc.) is a=ʓʷˈǝ {аʒǝы} [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 67]. We include only the inanimate equivalent in the calculations, as specified by the diagnostic contexts.
Tugov 1967: 200; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 556. The main root morpheme is ʕʷǝ, still encountered in the meaning 'person' in specific contexts, but less frequent than its extended counterpart, whose structure remains somewhat unclear. Suppletive plural: waʕa {уагIа} 'people' [Tugov 1967: 373].
Bgazhba 1964: 297; Genko 1998: 140; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 584. The element =qʼa= is prefixal; cf. the simple variant in ˈa=pʃ 'ginger' ([Bgazhba 1964: 504]; [Genko 1998: 205]).
Bgazhba 1964: 293; Genko 1998: 82; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 336. This seems to be the main Abkhaz word to express the meaning 'root (of tree or plant in general)' (cf. such examples in Kaslandzia's dictionary as acʼla adackʷa aʃtitʼ "the tree took roots", etc.). In [Bgazhba 1964: 293], two other synonyms are listed: (a) a=pˈaʃʷ {аҧашǝ}, glossed as 'root / root system / generation' in [Genko 1998: 195] and 'root / root system' in [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 56]; judging by the examples, this term has a somewhat more abstract or, at least, collective meaning ('roots', 'root system'); (b) ˈa=ʃa-ta {ашьата}, glossed as 'root / foundation / basis / kin' in [Genko 1998: 355] and as 'foundation / basis / root (of tooth)' in [Kaslandzia 2005: II, 630], with none of the actual examples referring to roots of trees.
Bgazhba 2006: 216; Genko 1998: 82. Well attested in the meaning 'root (of tree)' in at least one textual example from Bgazhba's monograph: aħʷa pǝʃʷla aʓ dackʷa icʼnaχǝwan "the pig was digging up the oak roots with its snout".
Bgazhba 1964: 301; Genko 1998: 63 (rendered orthographically as {агьажь}); Kaslandzia 2005: I, 280. Used both as a noun ('circle / wheel') and as an adjective.
Tugov 1967: 308; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 324. Formally a compound: pxača {пхатша} 'large; coarse, rough' + qʷa {хъва} 'ashes' q.v. External data, however, suggest a "folk" reinterpretation of a different original stem on Abaza territory.
Bgazhba 1964: 521; Genko 1998: 232; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 184. Employed both in the static and dynamic senses of the word. Frequently used also in conjunction with preverbs, e. g. a=kʷǝ=tʼʷa-ra 'to sit on (smth.)' [Bgazhba 1964: 521].
Tugov 1967: 437; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 453. The latter source translates the static verb 'to sit' (Russian сидеть) as čʼʷa-ra, which actually corresponds to the dynamic meaning 'to sit down'.
Tugov 1967: 430, 431; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 188. The simple stem čʷa more often refers to 'hide' (of animals), 'leather' (as material), or 'bark' (= 'skin of tree') q.v.; in the meaning 'human skin', the compound form čʷa-žʸ is more widespread (the second part is a reduced form of žʸǝ 'meat' q.v.).
Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 486. In [Tugov 1967: 129], the equivalent for the static verb 'to stand' (Russian стоять) is given as gǝ-l-ra, whose primary function is, however, dynamic ('to stand up', 'to rise').
Tugov 1967: 232; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 156. The latter source, for some reason, quotes the word only in conjunction with the definite article (a=yačʼʷa {аячва}), and also lists the Russian borrowing zvezda as a synonym (but the examples clearly show that it is only used in the figurative meaning of 'decorative star').
Bgazhba 1964: 574; Genko 1998: 18 (rendered orthographically as {абный}); Kaslandzia 2006: I, 192. The morpheme =ni is used to indicate that the referred object is distant from the speaker. The variants with and without the emphatic particle =b= are, to a large degree, used as synonymous.
Tugov 1967: 495; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 506. The morpheme =ni is used to indicate the most faraway degree of deixis in the 3-way system of Abaza ('that one far away'). Cf. also the emphatic form a=ba=nǝy {абани} 'that (over there / in particular)'.
Bgazhba 1964: 574; Genko 1998: 252 (rendered orthographically as {ўый}); Kaslandzia 2005: II, 246. The morpheme is used to indicate that the referred object is equidistant from the speaker and the listener, and is close to a third person. There is also an emphatic variant of the same pronoun: u-b-rˈi {убри} ([Bgazhba 1964: 574]; [Genko 1998: 251], rendered orthographically as {ўыбрый}; [Kaslandzia 2005: II, 245]). This demonstrative pronoun is also regularly used as the 3rd p. personal pronoun ('he, she, it').
Tugov 1967: 495. The morpheme =wǝy is used to indicate the intermediate degree of deixis in the 3-way system of Abaza ('that one not too far away, in visible range'). In this situation, it is best to treat =wǝy and =nǝy as synonyms. Cf. also the emphatic form a=ba=wǝy {абауи} 'that (over there / in particular)'.
NUMBER:86
WORD:this
Abkhaz:a=rˈǝy ~ a=b=rˈǝy {ари ~ абри}1
Bgazhba 1964: 630; Genko 1998: 18, 45; Kaslandzia 2005: I, 55, 199. This is the default demonstrative pronoun to indicate close proximity of the object; it also serves as one of the 3rd p. personal pronouns. The variants with and without the emphatic particle =b= are, to a large degree, used as synonymous.
Bzyb:a=rˈǝy ~ a=b=rˈǝy {ари ~ абри}1
Bgazhba 2006: 166.
Abaza:a=rǝy {ари}1
Tugov 1967: 495; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 577. The morpheme =rǝy is used to indicate the closest degree of deixis in the 3-way system of Abaza ('this one close by'). Cf. also the emphatic form a=ba=rǝy {абари} 'that (over there / in particular)'.
Bgazhba 1964: 581; Genko 1998: 247, 249; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 236. Masculine form. In fully stressed position, the extended form wa-ra is used more frequently than the short wa. There is also a special feminine form: ba / ba-ra {ба / бара} ([Bgazhba 1964: 581]; [Genko 1998: 46, 49]); since, historically, it contains the same root morpheme as wa, we do not count it separately.
Tugov 1967: 374; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 513. Masculine form. The root morpheme is wa; in fully stressed position, the extended form wa-ra is used more frequently than the short wa. There is also a special feminine form: ba / ba-ra {ба / бара} ([Tugov 1967: 113]; [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 513]); since, historically, it contains the same root morpheme as wa, we do not count it separately.
Bgazhba 1964: 166; Genko 1998: 368; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 667. This suffixal form is used with inanimate objects; the corresponding variant used for people is ʕʷˈǝ-ǯa {ҩыџьа} ([Bgazhba 1964: 166]; [Genko 1998: 371]; [Kaslandzia 2005: II, 680]).
Tugov 1967: 197; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 107. This suffixal form is used with inanimate objects; the corresponding variant used for people is ʕʷǝ-ǯʸ {гIвыджь} [Tugov 1967: 497].
Tugov 1967: 308; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 101. In [Tugov 1967], the word is glossed with the meaning 'warm'; in [Zhirov & Ekba 1956], it is given as the equivalent of the meaning 'hot', whereas the meaning 'warm' is correlated with the participial derivative: y=px-u [ibid.: 500].
Bgazhba 1964: 333; Genko 1998: 289, 291; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 382, 386. In fully stressed position, the extended form ħa-ra is used more frequently than the short ħa.
Tugov 1967: 411; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 233. The root morpheme is ħa; in fully stressed position, the extended form ħa-ra is used more frequently than the short ħa.
Genko 1998: 106. The most basic equivalent for interrogative pronouns in Abkhaz is a set of verbal suffixes that form a special interrogative section of the verbal paradigm. For inanimate objects, the default suffix is =y, probably reduced from an earlier *=y=a, where =y= is the inanimate class marker and =a used to be the main interrogative morpheme (cf. =d=a 'who' q.v.). In certain cases, a special independent form is also used: y=a-rban {иарбан} 'what? which?' ([Bgazhba 1964: 302]; [Genko 1998: 108]).
Tugov 1967: 107; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 561. This is the independent form of the inanimate interrogative pronoun. An older form, no longer actively present in the literary language, is začʼʷǝy=a or y=začʼʷǝy=a [Genko 1955: 105]; ačʼʷǝy=a may historically be a simplified variant of the latter. The clitical (bound) variant of the same pronoun, attached to verbal forms, is y=a [ibid.]. Comparison of these two forms, as well as further comparison with the forms for 'who?' q.v., allow to segment =a as the principal interrogative morpheme (y= is the inanimate object class marker, and =začʼʷǝ- is a secondary morphological formation from za- 'one' q.v.).
Tugov 1967: 440; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 30. The former source quotes the word as škʼʷokʼʷa {шкIвокIва}: this is most likely an incidental marking of a vocalic assimilation (between two labialized consonants), since Abaza lacks phonemic o.
Genko 1998: 81. The most basic equivalent for interrogative pronouns in Abkhaz is a set of verbal suffixes that form a special interrogative section of the verbal paradigm. For animate objects, the default suffix is =d=a, where =d= is the animate class marker and =a is the main interrogative morpheme. In certain cases, a special independent form is also used: d=a-rban {дарбан} 'what? which?' ([Bgazhba 1964: 302]; [Kaslandzia 2005: I, 334]). Cf. =y 'what' q.v.
Tugov 1967: 204; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 205. This is the independent form of the animate interrogative pronoun. Its only difference from (y=)začʼʷǝy=a 'what?' is the presence of the animate class marker d= (ʒ = d-z-) in word-initial position; see 'what' for further details. The bound clitical form of the same pronoun is =d=a [Genko 1955: 105], confirming that the root morpheme carrying the main interrogative meaning is =a.
Bgazhba 1964: 197; Genko 1998: 367 (rendered orthographically as {аҩайжь}); Kaslandzia 2005: II, 668 (rendered orthographically as {аҩейжь}). For internal construction and cognacy, see notes on the Abaza equivalent.
Tugov 1967: 196; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 130. Possibly a borrowing from Adyghe, because of the suffixal element -žʸ that is only productive in that language, but not in Abaza. The root morpheme, however, does not show any specific correspondences that are characteristic of borrowings, so that this may be a restructuring influenced by the Adyghe model.
Tugov 1967: 406. Quoted in the participial form y=xʸant-u {йхянту} in [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 513]. Secondary synonym: ħatla ([Tugov 1967: 411]; cited as y=ħatl-u {йхIатлу} in [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 513]). The semantic difference between these two words is completely unclear, but only xʸanta has external parallels.
Tugov 1967: 82. Quoted in the participial variant y=argʷan-u in [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 37]. Adjectival form; the derived adverbial is argʷanǝ-ta {аргваныта}.
Tugov 1967: 110; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 158. The former source also lists the prefix-less variant šʸtan-čʼʷǝ {щтанчIвы}. The element -čʼʷǝ is detachable as a productive nominal suffix, but the remaining stem =šʸtan- is not encountered in any other Adyghe words. The older equivalent matǝ [Tugov 1967: 274] is still preserved in the Ashkaraua dialect.
Tugov 1967: 419. In [Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 504], the simple stem cʼa is not listed at all. In its place we find two morphologically complex derivatives: cʼa-ɣa {цIагъа} 'thin (2D)' and cʼa-ʕʷ {цIагIв} 'thin (3D)'.
Tugov 1967: 310; Zhirov & Ekba 1956: 52. The latter source also lists the derivative pšǝ-xʸ {пшыхь} as a synonym, but this is actually a compound form: 'wind' + 'cold' q.v. = 'cool wind'.
Bgazhba 1964: 617 (orthographically rendered as {ахуа}); Genko 1998: 281; Kaslandzia 2005: II, 361, 365. The simple stem represents the collective form; cf. also the singulative variant a=χʷa-c {ахǝац}.
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